21.5.13

Debunking and Deconstructing Some ‘Myths of Paleo’. Part One: Tubers

Debunking and Deconstructing Some ‘Myths of Paleo’. Part One: Tubers

"Glucose restriction represents not only the most crucial component of ancestral diets but is by far the easiest element to emulate

by - lifextension

My blogs

Blogs I follow

About me


I am currently completing my PhD in archaeology and social anthropology, concentrating on the application of Amerindian and animic ontologies to the material remains from the Epipalaeolithic to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic in the Upper Mesopotamian region. You can contact me at: anna.lifextension@gmail.com
Interests Implementing high-fat, evolutionarily-appropriate nutrition for greater health and longevity; indigenous studies, literature, art history, sociology, anthropology, archaeology, evolutionary biology, Amerindian ontologies, perspectivism, jazz, dogs.


Introduction

The most profound consequence of the shift from foraging to farming for human populations consists of the introduction and subsequent dependence of our species on plant foods. This dietary change has since resulted in the greatest biological damage done to human health and longevity in the history of our evolution. This was brought about by reduction in the consumption of animal-sourced fat, protein, and marine foods; the consequent diminishment of critical micronutrients; but chiefly, through the infiltration of novel, insulinogenic, and glycating foods to which our biology was not even minimally adapted.



Bioarchaeological study of skeletal remains from Neolithic transitional contexts reveals that the introduction of starches and cultigens and the additional narrowing of dietary focus resulted in severe deterioration of health and longevity for most human populations within the last 10, 000 years.  This decline is indicated by the first incidences of – now-common – chronic and degenerative diseases, along with significantly elevated prevalences of various skeletal and dental pathological conditions and alterations in growth patterns in prehistoric cultivators. Ultimately, the shift from a more than 2.5 million year-long high-fat, hunting-based subsistence to a plant-based one, occasioned significant and widespread biological changes in numerous human populations, worldwide.

Ubiquitously, the starch-apologists of current paleo-circles seem to have conveniently forgotten the definition of the term ‘agriculture’. Agriculture includes broadly any type of plant cultivation practiced for dietary purposes. With the exception of Australia, centres of plant domestication can be found on all inhabitable continents within the last 10, 000 years. Major crops included wheat and barley in the Near East; sorghum, millet, yams, and dates in Africa; millet and rice in northern China; rice, taro, yams and sugarcane in Southeast Asia; squash, maize, and beans in Central America; and potatoes, sweet potatoes, and manioc in South America. Even the former inclusion of seed plants to the diets of human populations in North America instigated significant changes to human biology. Diachronic and comparative analysis of the skeletal data of human hunters and cultivators from across the globe has revealed that – prior to the onset of agriculture – carbohydrates must have comprised only a rare and occasional component of ancestral eating patterns. Furthermore, the impact of the introduction of carbohydrates to human diets was almost immediate in its deterioration of human health and biology.

Neolithic archaeological contexts reveal that the intensification of plant food consumption significantly increased incidences of tooth decay and other oral problems through the demineralisation of enamel, dentin, and other tissues, by the acidic by-products of metabolising dietary carbohydrates. Globally, the intensification of starch consumption amongst human populations saw an equivalent rise in the frequency of carious teeth. Similarly, the foraging-to-farming transition also resulted in reductions to the size of the face and jaws, to tooth crowding, malocclusions, reduced oral health, the reduction of tooth size, and consequently to diminished room for dentition.
The reduction in size and robusticity of the human skeleton is a clear temporal trend of newly agricultural communities. Diachronic skeletal comparisons reveal large-scale, significant reductions in growth rates. The average stature for men and women in the Palaeolithic has been approximated to 6 ft and 5 ft 6, respectively; however, by the late Neolithic, height had reduced to 5 ft 3 and 5 ft for both the sexes. Worldwide, numerous skeletal studies also reveal that agricultural populations had a much higher number of infections than communities still ensconced in hunting and foraging. Instances of porotic hyperostosis brought on by iron deficiency anaemia increased dramatically in agricultural settings. A greater focus on domesticated plant foods also resulted in nutritional deficiencies, due to the reduced availability of micronutrients exclusive to meat, such as iron, zinc, vitamin A, and B12.

Ultimately, these diseases and pathological conditions common to incipient farming communities subsisting on plant foods were, by and large, rare and exceptional amongst the preceding hunters of the Pleistocene. Moreover – even though many of these emerging agricultural groups continued to supplement their diet with hunting – meat and fat consumption alone was not sufficient to ameliorate the novel impact of glycation and heightened insulin-load from an increased consumption of carbohydrates. While the sources of cultivated starches varied worldwide – yams, dates (Africa), millet, rice (China) sugarcane, taro, yams (Southeast Asia), maize, beans, squash (Central America) potatoes, sweet potatoes, or manioc (South America) – they effected human consumers similarly biologically, and to their ultimate evolutionary detriment.



Potatoes and other plant foods are neither ‘primal', nor do they promote health, leanness, or longevity.



For many reading this post, the application of an evolutionarily appropriate diet for the purposes of obtaining and sustaining health and longevity, is axiomatic. The need to engage foundational, evolutionary principles is rendered even more pertinent considering our severely depressed adaptation to the suboptimal environments, novel foods, lifestyles, and states of metabolic and endocrinological derangement in which we subsist. Far too little evolutionary time has passed for us to be successfully acclimated to the novel conditions of agricultural life. Consequently, modelling our current food choices and nutrient profile on food groups we are biologically attuned to, appears to be the most accessible and conceivable way of gaining and maintaining health in modern society.



However, paradoxically, many proponents of a ‘Paleo’ (i.e.: pre-agricultural) diet have promoted the use of tubers and other starches as – not only benign – but necessary health foods to consume for the correction of metabolic and endocrine disorders. Potatoes, rice, and other oxymoronically-labelled ‘safe’ starches, are being promoted in spite of the fact that they are exclusively Neolithic foods. Consequently, it is the conflation of starches, safe, and ancestral that I now wish to address, and hopefully correct.



Since the dawn of the Pliocene-Quaternary glaciation 2.85 million years ago, the world and its inhabitants have been subject to the cycles of ice ages. Spending most of our human history in glacial conditions, our physiology has consequently been modelled by the climatologic record, with only brief, temperate periods of reprieve that could conceivably allow any significant amount of edible plant life to have grown. Studies of human coprolites (fossilised feces) from three hundred thousand years to fifty thousand years ago reveal the distinct lack of plant material consumed by hominid subjects. Small, seasonal amounts of plants, seeds, nuts, and tart, low-sugar fruits certainly would have figured into the diets of early Homo; however, archaeology, anthropology, evolution, and genetics reveal such happenstances to be extremely rare throughout the entirety of human prehistory. Consequently, our adaption to some of these foods – especially the insulinogenic properties of later cultivated varieties – would have been minimal at most.  



In an attempt to reconstruct the diet of ice age hominids, a recent study analysed the macronutrient dietary composition of existing hunter-gatherer groups within latitude intervals from 41° to greater than 60°. All were characterised by a very low carbohydrate content (<15% of the total energy). Hunter-gatherers living in northern areas (tundra and northern coniferous forest) consumed very low quantities of carbohydrate, as did communities subsisting in ecological environments of temperate grassland and tropical rain forest. Only human groups from desert and tropical grassland zones consumed a moderate about of carbohydrate. Independent of the local environment, however, the range of carbohydrate intake in the diets of contemporary hunter-gatherers was markedly lower than the amounts currently recommended for humans in Western cultures.



Ultimately, the very low-carb diets of the northern indigenous communities corresponds most plausibly to what our hominid ancestors would have consumed throughout our ice-age past. Further information on the evolution of our diet can be garnered from the genetic data of present populations, which demonstrates the historically-late biological adaptation to less than minimal quantities of starch and to only few and specific starch compounds. This evidence is unsurprising. Ultimately, the evolution of early Homo cranial and gut features rendered contemporaneous storage organ species almost physiologically impossible to digest and metabolise. In fact, the large brain of our species developed directly as a result of the compensatory reduction of the human gut, which allowed for a significant increase in brain size while maintaining necessary metabolic rate. Resultantly, the brain became the most energy-expensive organ in the human body, consuming 25% of the adult and 70–75% of the newborn metabolic budget. The biology of H. sapiens is actually engineered against the consumption of starch and fibre, and in favour of fat and protein. As the large intestine was diminished to offset increased brain volume, humans were no longer able to transmute fibre into fat – as other primates can (consequently, they eat a high-fat diet) – through fermentation in the large intestine. Thus, replacement with nutrient-dense, more-bioavailable exogenous fat from animal sources would have been crucial to our success and evolution as a species.



Furthermore, the energy needed to be expended in the procurement of edible plant species would easily have exceeded their potential caloric value. The consequences of limited availability and time investment of edible Palaeolithic plant foods has been analysed by Stiner, who compared food class returns amongst contemporary hunter-gatherer groups. Stiner found the net energy yield of roots and tubers to range from 1,882 kj/hour to 6,120 kj/hour (not to mention the additional time needed to dedicate to preparation) compared to 63,398 kj/hour for large game.



Modern roots and tubers have been extensively modified throughout our recent agricultural history in order to reduce the presence of harmful compounds and increase the quantity of digestible carbohydrate. While legumes and underground storage organs would have been present in the parched savannah-woodlands of subtropical Africa, toxic alkaloids and digestion-inhibiting compounds would have almost exclusively restricted their use until the much-later advent of fire. Subsequently, extremely careful selection and preparation through extensive cooking would have been vital for plant toxins to be sufficiently neutralised for safe consumption. However, to this day, even in spite of cooking, many starches remain immunoreactive for many peoples. Even on occasions in prehistory when and where the habitual use of fire is known to have existed, it does not seem to have led to a discernible consumption of plant foods. Even in the temperate climates of France, Italy, Romania, and Croatia that boasted extensive vegetation in Upper Palaeolithic Europe, and at sites where the control of fire is clearly evidenced, nitrogen isotope studies reveal the consumption of a diet rich in animal content, rather than in vegetal foods.



The archaeological evidence for plant consumption by early Homo is virtually non-existent. I will concede however that absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. Proponents of the ‘starchivore’ hypothesis argue that this is due to the poor preservation of organic plant material in the prehistoric record. However, plants have been preserved in the Lower Palaeolithic, and they are used primarily for functional and material – rather than nutritional – purposes. Plants were used as bedding at Tautavel (France, Lower Palaeolithic), at Franchthi (Greece, Upper Palaeolithic), and the Mas d’Azil (France, Azilian). Similarly, at Lascaux, pollen was uncovered that was used as bedding throughout the Magdalenian. The famous Neanderthal grave at  Shanidar, Iraq, contained pollen traces of eight different types of flowers: small, brightly-coloured varieties, possibly woven into the branches of a shrub.  Pollen analysis of the particular flower types suggested to the researchers that they may have been chosen for their specific medicinal properties. Yarrow, Cornflower, Bachelor’s Button, St Barnaby’s Thistle, Ragwort, Grape Hyacinth, Joint Pine or Woody Horsetail, and Hollycock were represented in the pollen samples, all of which have extensive curative properties as diuretics, stimulants, astringents as well as anti-inflammatories. Possible evidence was found in Magdalenian/Azilian contexts which revealed quantities of acorns, nuts and perforated fruit-stones in a number of Pyrenean caves, however it is widely believed that all such finds were most likely attributable to the activity of rodents. Finds of legumes at Kebara cave may have been utilised as suitable fire starting material on account of their morphological characteristics. Other plants found at the site likely served medicinal – rather than nutritional – purposes. However, Kebara still presents the possibility that plant-foraging practices were undertaken at this site during the Middle Palaeolithic. This is unsurprising. The fact that omnivorous hominids may have supplemented their diets with low-glycemic plant foods when meat was scarce is neither a new nor controversial notion. It sheds little light on the greater historical context of human nutrition, and the best way to implement evolutionary principles for optimal health.



Similarly, arguments and hypotheses have been made that Neanderthals ate starch. Firstly, Neanderthals were highly carnivorous and physiologically inept at digesting plant foods. This can be measured using the megadontia quotient of Neanderthal postcanine tooth area in relation to body mass, which reveals that H. neanderthalensis must have consumed a greater than 80% animal diet. Nonetheless, the evidence of phytoliths and grains from Neanderthal skeletons at Shanidar Cave may reveal the rare consumption of starches in this singular context, but not the deleterious costs to the health of those that ate them.



The intake of plant foods by hominids was most plausibly and conceivably minimal. This is due to their limited, seasonal availability; the physiological ceiling on fibre and toxin intake; the biological evolution of early Homo physiology; along with the technological, spatial and temporal limitations of obligatory pre-consumption preparations. Consequently, evolutionary arguments for the consumption of what are quite blatantly Neolithic foods are rendered paradoxical and absurd. Starches are neither ‘Paleo’; nor does our evolutionary biology sanction them as ‘safe’. 
----------------------------------------------------


References 

Aiello, L. C. and Wheeler, P. 1995. “The Relationship of Dietary Quality and Gut Efficiency to Brain Size/the Expensive Tissue Hypothesis: The Brain and Digestive Systems in Human and Primate Evolution,” Current Anthropology 36:199-221.

Aiello L. C and Wells, J. C. K. 2002. Energetics and the Evolution of the Genus Homo. Annual Review of Anthropology 31:323–338.

Aiello, L. C and Wheeler P. 1995. “The Expensive-Tissue Hypothesis: The Brain and the Digestive System in Human and Primate Evolution,” Current Anthropology 36: 199–221.

Akkermans, P. M. M. G. and G. M. Schwartz (eds.). 2003. The Archaeology of Syria: From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Early Urban Societies (c. 16,000–300 BC). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Alperson-Afil, N., Sharon, G., Kislev, M., Melamed, Y., and Zohar, I. 2009. “Spatial Organization of Hominin Activities at Gesher Benot Ya’aqov, Israel,” Science 326:1677–1680.

Ammerman, A. J. and Cavalli-Sforza L. L. 1984. The Neolithic Transition and the Genetics of Populations in Europe. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Anton, S. C. 2003. “Natural History of Homo Erectus,” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 46:126–170.

Ardrey, R. 1976. The Hunting Hypothesis. New York: Bantam.

Ashworth, A., Milner, P. F., Waterlow, J. C., Walker, R. B. 1973. “Absorption of Iron from Maize (Zea maize L.) and Soya Beans (Glycine hispida Max.) in Jamaican infants,” British Journal of Nutrition 29:269–278.

Bahn, P. 1977. “Seasonal Migration in South-West France During the Late Glacial Period,” Journal of Archaeological Science4:245-57.

Bar-Yosef, O. and Belfer-Cohen, A. 1989. “The Origins of Sedentism and Farming Communities in the Levant,” Journal of World Prehistory 3:447-98. 

Bar-Yosef, O. and Belfer-Cohen, A. 1991. “From Sedentary Hunter-Gatherers to Territorial Hunters in the Levant.” In Between Bands and States edited by S. Gregg, 181-202. (Centre for Archaeological Investigation Occasional Papers 9). Carbondale: Southern Illinois University.

Bar-Yosef, O. and Belfer-Cohen, A. 1992. From Foraging to Farming in the Mediterranean Levant. In Transitions to Agriculture in Prehistory edited by A.B. Grebauer and R.D. Price, 21-48. Madison: Prehistory Press.

Bar-Yosef, O. and Meadow, R. H. 1995. The Origins of Agriculture in the Near East. In Last Hunters, First Farmers: New Perspectives on the Prehistoric Transition to Agriculture, edited by T. D. Price and A.-B. Gebauer, 39–94. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press.

Barkai, R., Gopher, A., Lauritzen, S. E, Frumkin, A. 2003. “Uranium Series Dates from Qesem Cave, Israel, and the End of the Lower Palaeolithic,” Nature 423:977–979.

Barkai, R., Lemorini, C. and Gopher, A. 2010. “Palaeolithic Cutlery 400 000-200 000 years ago: Tiny Meat-Cutting Tools from Qesem Cave, Israel,” Antiquity 84:325.

Barkai, R., Lemorini, C., Shimelmitz, R., Lev, Z., Stiner, M. 2009. “A Blade for All Seasons? Making and Using Amudian Blades at Qesem Cave, Israel,” Human Evolution 24:57–75.

Bocquet-Appel, J. P. and Bar-Yosef, O. 2008 The Neolithic Demographic Transition and Its Consequences. New York: Springer.

Bolus, M., Malina, M. and Conard, N. J. 2009. The Origin of Cultural Modernity and the Earliest Anatomically Modern Humans in Europe. Frankfurt: Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities.

Bonogofsky, M. 2002. “Reassessing ‘Dental Evulsion’ in Neolithic Plastered Skulls From the Levant Through the Use of Computed Tomography, Direct Observation, and Photographs,” Journal of Archaeological Science 29:959-64.

Boz, B. 2005. “The Oral Health of Çatalhöyük Neolithic People.” In Inhabiting Catalhoyuk: Reports from the 1995-99 Seasons,edited by I Hodder, 587-92. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.

Bridges, P. S. 1989. “Changes in Activities with the Shift to Agriculture in the Southeastern United States,” Current Anthropology 30, 385–394.

Bridges, P. S. 1991. “Skeletal Evidence of Changes in Subsistence Activities Between the Archaic and Mississippian Time Periods in Northwestern Alabama.” In: What Mean These Bones? Studies in Southeastern Bioarchaeology, Powell, M.L., Bridges, P.S., Mires, A.M.W, 89–101. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.

Bridges, P. S. 1992. “Prehistoric Arthritis in the Americas,” Annual Review of Anthropology 21:67–91.

Brink, J. 2008. Imagining Head-Smashed-in Aboriginal Buffalo Hunting on the Northern Plains. Edmonton: Athabasca University Press.

Bryant, V. M. and Williams-Dean. 1975. “The Corprolites of Man,” Scientific American 100-109.

Brock, S.L., Ruff, C. B., 1988. “Diachronic Patterns of Change in Structural Properties of the Femur in the Prehistoric American Southwest,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 75:113–127.
Bunn, H. T and Ezzo, J. A 1993. “Hunting and Scavenging by Plio-Pleistocene Hominids: Nutritional Constraints, Archaeological Patterns, and Behavioral Implications,” Journal of Archaeological Sciences 20:365–398.

Churchill, S. E. 1993. “Weapon Technology, Prey Size Selection, and Hunting Methods in Modern Hunter-Gatherers: Implications for Hunting in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic,” Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 4:11–24.

Cohen, M. N. 1989. Health and the Rise of Civilization. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Cohen, M.N. and Armelagos, G. J. 1984. Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture. Orlando: Academic Press.

Coursey, D. G. 1973. “Hominid Evolution and Hypogeous Plant Foods,” Man 8:634–635.

Cordain, L., Eaton, S. B, Sebastian, A., Mann, N. and Lindeberg, S. 2005. “Origins and Evolution of the Western diet: Health Implications for the 21st Century,” The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 81:341–354.

Cordain, L, Miller, J. B, Eaton, S. B, Mann, N, and Holt, S. H. 2000. “Plant-Animal Subsistence Ratios and Macronutrient Energy Estimations in Worldwide Hunter- Gatherer Diets,” The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 71:682–692.

Cunnane, S. C. and Crawford, M. A. 2003. “Survival of the Fattest: Fat Babies were the Key to Evolution of the Large Human Brain,” Comparative Biochemistry and Physiology 136:17–26.

Dennel, R. 2010. “Early Homo Sapiens in China,” Nature 468:512–513.

Dennell,  R. W, Martino ́n-Torres, M., Bermudez de Castro, J. M. 2009. “Out of Asia: The Initial Colonisation of Europe in the Early and Middle Pleistocene,” Quaternary International 223–224:439.


Endicott, P., Ho, S. and Stringer, C. 2010. “Using Genetic Evidence to Evaluate Four Palaeoanthropological Hypotheses for the Timing of Neanderthal and Modern Human Origins,” Journal of Human Evolution 59:87–95.

Foley, R. A, and Lee, P. C. 1991. “Ecology and Energetics of Encephalization in Hominid Evolution,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B 334:223–232.

Gedgaudas, N. 2011. Primal Body, Primal Mind: Beyond the Paleo Diet for Total Health and a Longer Life. Rochester: Healing Arts Press.

Goodman, A. H. and Martin, D. L. 2002. “Reconstructing Health Profiles from Skeletal Remains.” In The Backbone of History: Health and Nutrition in the Western Hemisphere, edited by Steckel, R. H. and Rose, J. C, 11–60. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Goodman, A. H. and Rose, J. C. 1990. “Assessment of Systemic Physiological Perturbations from Dental Enamel Hypoplasias and Associated Histological Structures,” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 33:59–110.

Goodman, A. H. and Rose, J. C. 1991. “Dental Enamel Hypoplasias as Indicators of Nutritional Status.” In Advances in Dental Anthropology, edited by Kelley, M. A. and Larsen, C. S, 279–293. New York: Wiley-Liss. 

Goren-Inbar N, Feibel, C. S, Verosub K. L, Melamed, Y., Kislev, M. E. 2000. “Pleistocene Milestones on the Out-of-Africa Corridor at Gesher Benot Ya’aqov, Israel,” Science 289:944–947.

Guthrie, R. 2007. “Haak en Steek – The tool that allowed hominins to colonize the African savannah and flourish there.” In Guts And Brains: An Integrative Approach To The Hominin Record, edited by Roebroeks, W., 133–164. Leiden: Leiden University Press.

Henry, D. O. 1989. From Foraging to Fanning: The Levant at the End of the Ice Age. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Hershkovitz, I., Smith, P., Sarig, R., Quam, R., and Rodrıguez, L. 2011. “Middle Pleistocene Dental Remains from Qesem Cave, Israel,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 14:575–592.

Ho, K. J, Biss, K., Mikkelson, B., Lewis, L. A, Taylor, C. B. 1971. “The Masai of East Africa: Some Unique Biological Characteristics,” Archives of Pathology 91: 387–410.

Ichikawa, M. 1983. “An Examination of the Hunting-Dependent Life of The Mbuti pygmies, Eastern Zaire,” Human Evolution4:55–76.

Kaplan, H., Gangestad, S., Gurven, M., Lancaster, J., and Mueller, T. 2007. “The 
Evolution of Diet, Brain and Life History Among Primates and Humans.” In Guts and Brains an Integrative Approach to the Hominin Record, edited by W. Roebroeks, 47–90. Leiden: Leiden University Press.

Kaplan, H., Hill, K., Lancaster, J. and Hurtado, A. M. 2000. “A Theory of Human Life History Evolution: Diet, Intelligence, and Longevity,” Evolutionary Anthropology 9:156–185.

Kelly, R. L. 1995. “The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter–Gatherer Lifeways.” Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Klein, R. G. 1988. “The Archaeological Significance of Animal Bones from Acheulean Sites in Southern Africa,” The African Archaeological Review 6:3–25.

Larsen, C. S., 1995. “Biological Changes in Human Populations with Agriculture,” Annual Review of Anthropology 24:185–213.

Larsen, C. S., 1997. Bioarchaeology: Interpreting Behavior from the Human Skeleton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Larsen, C. S., 2000. Skeletons in Our Closet: Revealing Our Past through Bioarchaeology. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Larsen, C. S., 2002. Post-Pleistocene human evolution: bioarchaeology of the agricultural transition. In: Ungar, P.S., Teaford, M.F. (Eds.), Human Diet: Its Origins and Evolution. Greenwood Publishing, Westport, pp. 19–35.

Larsen, C. S., 2003. “Animal Source Foods and Human Health During Evolution,” Journal of Nutrition 133, 3893S–3897S.

Larsen, C. S. 2006. “The Agricultural Revolution as Environmental Catasrophe: Implications for Helath and Lifestyle in the Holocene,” Quaternary International 150:12-20.

Larsen, C. S., Shavit, R., Griffin, M.C., 1991. “Dental Caries Evidence for Dietary Change: An Archaeological Context.” InAdvances in Dental Anthropology, edited by Kelley, M. A., Larsen, C. S, 179–202. New York: Wiley-Liss.

Larsen, C. S., Griffin, M.C., Hutchinson, D. L., Noble, V. E., Norr, L., Pastor, R. F., Ruff, C. B., Russell, K.F., Schoeninger, M. J., Schultz, M., Simpson, S.W. and Teaford, M. F. 2001. “Frontiers of Contact: Bioarchaeology of Spanish Florida,” Journal of World Prehistory 15:69–123.

Lawrie,  R. A. 1991. Meat Science. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

Lee-Thorp, J. A. and Sponheimer M, B. 2006. “Contributions of Biogeochemistry to Understanding Hominin Dietary Ecology,”Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 49:131–148.

Leonard, W. R., Robertson, M. L., Snodgrass, J. J., Kuzawa C. W. 2003. “Metabolic Correlates of Hominid Brain Evolution.”Comparative Biochemistry and Physiology Part A: Molecular and Integrative Physiology 136:5-15.

Linder, M. 1991. Nutritional Biochemistry and Metabolism. Norwalk: Appleton and Lange.

McHenry, H. M. 1992. “Body Size and Proportions in Early Hominids,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 87:407–431.

McHenry, H. M. 2009. “Human Evolution.” In Evolution: The First Four Billion Years, edited by Ruse, M and Travis, J, 256–280. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Ben-Dor, M., Gopher, A., Hershkovitz., I. and Barkai, R. “Man the Fat Hunter: The Demise of Homo Erectus and the Emergence of a New Hominin Lineage in the Middle Pleistocene (ca. 400 kyr) Levant,” Plos One 6:28689.

Milner, G. R. and Smith, V. B. 1990. Oneota Human Skeletal Remains. In Archaeological Investigations at the Morton Village and Norris Farms 35 Cemetery, edited by Santure, S.K., Harn, A.D., Esarey, D, 111–148. Illinois State Museum Reports of Investigations.

Milton, K. 1987. “Primate Diets and Gut Morphology: Implications for Hominid Evolution.” In Food And Evolution: Toward a Theory of 
Human Food Habits, edited by Harris, M. and Ross, E. B, 96–116. Philadelphia: Temple University.

Molleson, T., Jones, K., 1991. “Dental Evidence for Dietary Changes at Abu Hureyra,” Journal of Archaeological Science 24:455–468.

Movius, H. L. 1950. “A Wooden Spear of Third Interglacial Age from Lower Saxony Source,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6:139–142.

Mueller, L. D. and Rose, M. R. 1996. “Evolutionary Theory Predicts Late-Life Mortality Plateaus,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 93: 15249-15253.

Mueller, L. D., Rauser, C. L., and Rose, M. R. 2011. Does Aging Stop? New York: Oxford University Press.

Mueller, L. D., Rauser, C. L., and Rose, M. R. 2006. “The Evolution of Late Life. Aging,” Research Reviews 5:14-32.

Newbrun, E. 1982. “Sugar and Dental Caries: A Review Of Human Studies,” Science 217:418–423.

Organ, J. M., Teaford, M. F., Larsen, C. S., 2005. “Dietary Inferences from Dental Occlusal Microwear at Mission San Luis de Apalachee,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 128:801–811.

Ortner, D. J. 2003. Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains. San Diego: Academic Press.

Oxenham, M. F., 2005. The Oral Health Consequences of The Adoption and Intensification of Agriculture in Southeast Asia. InBioarchaeology of Southeast Asia, edited by Oxenham, M. F. Cambidge: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Papathanasiou, A., 2001. A Bioarchaeological Analysis of Neolithic Alepotrypa Cave, Greece. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Papathanasiou, A., Larsen, C. S. and Norr, L., 2000. “Bioarchaeological Inferences from a Neolithic Ossuary from Alepotrypa Cave, Diros, Greece,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 10:210–228.

Pastor, R. 1992. “Dietary Adaptations and Dental Microwear in Mesolithic and Chalcolithic South Asia,” Journal of Human Ecology 2:215–228.

Pechenkina, E. A., Benfer, R. A. and Zhijun, W. 2002. “Diet and Health Change with the Intensification of Millet Agriculture at the End of Chinese Neolithic,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 117:15–36.

Perry, G. H, Dominy, N. J, Claw, K. G, Lee, A. S. and Fiegler, H. 2007. “Diet and the Evolution of Human Amylase Gene Copy Number Variation,” Nature Genetics 39:1256–1260.
Peterson, J. 2002. Sexual Revolutions: Gender and Labor at the Dawn of Agriculture. Oxford: Altamira Press.

Piperno, D. R. and Flannery, K. V. 2001. “The Earliest Archaeological Maize (Zea mays L.) from Highland Mexico: New Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Dates and Their Implications,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 99:2101–2103.

Popovich D. G., Jenkins D. J., Kendall C. W., Dierenfeld E. S., Carroll R. W. 1997. “The Western Lowland Gorilla Diet has Implications for the Health of Humans and other Hominoids,” The Journal of Nutrition 127:2000–2005.

Price, W. 1989. Nutrition and Physical Degenration. New Canaan: Keats Publishing.

Rabinovich, R. and Biton, R. 2011. “The Early-Middle Pleistocene Faunal Assemblages of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov: Inter-site Variability,” Journal of Human Evolution 60:357–374.

Richards M. P. 2009. “Stable Isotope Evidence for European Upper Paleolithic Human Diets. In The Evolution Of Hominin Diets Integrating Approaches To The Study Of Palaeolithic Subsistence, edited by Hublin J. J and Richards M. P, 251–257.

Richards, M. P., Pearson, J. A., Molleson, T. I., Russell, N., and Martin, L. 2003. “Stable Isotope Evidence of Diet at Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Turkey,” Journal of Archaeological Science 30:67-76.

Richards, M. P., Price, T. D. and Koch, E. 2003. “Mesolithic and Neolithic Subsistence in Denmark: New Stable Isotope Data,”Current Anthropology 44:288–295.

Richards, M. P., Schulting, R. J., Hedges, R. E. M. 2003. “Sharp Shift in Diet at Onset of Neolithic,” Nature 425:366.

Richards, M. P. and Trinkaus, E. 2009. “Isotopic Evidence for the Diets of European Neanderthals and Early Modern Humans,”Proceedings of the Natural Academy of Sciences 106:16034–16039.

Rightmire, G. P. 2008. “Homo in the Middle Pleistocene: Hypodigms, Variation and Species Recognition,” Evolutionary Anthropology 17:218–227.

Roebroeks, W. and Villa, P. 2011. “On the Earliest Evidence for Habitual Use of Fire in Europe,” Proceedings of the Natural Academy of Natural Sciences 108:5209–5214.

Rollefson, G. O. and Kohler-Rollefson, I. 1992. Early Neolithic Exploitation Patters in the Levant: Cultural Impact on the Environment. Population and Environment 13:243-54.

Rose, M. R. 1991. Evolutionary Biology of Aging. New York: Oxford University Press.

Rose, M. R. 2004. “The Metabiology of Life Extension.” In The Fountain of Youth; Cultural, Scientific, and Ethical Perspectives on a Biomedical Goal, edited by S.G. Post and R.H. Binstock, 160-176. New York: Oxford University Press.

Rose, M. R. 2008. “Making SENSE: Strategies for Engineering Negligible Senescence Evolutionarily,” Rejuvenation Research11:527-534.

Rose, M. R. 2009. “Adaptation, Aging, and Genomic Information,” Aging 1:444-50.

Rose, M. R., Drapeau, M. D., Yazdi, P. G. Shah, K.H. Moise, D. B. Thakar, R. R. Rauser, C. L. and Mueller, L. D. 2002. “Evolution of Late-Life Mortality in Drosophila Melanogaster,” Evolution 56:1982-1991.

Rose, M. R. and Lauder, G.V. 1996. Adaptation. New York: Academic Press.

Rose, M. R. and Mueller, L.D. 1998. “Evolution of Human Lifespan: Past, Future, and Present,” American Journal of Human Biology 10:409-420.

Rose, M. R. Passananti, H.B. and Matos, M. 2004. Methuselah Flies: A Case Study in the Evolution of Aging. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing.

Rose, M. R., Rauser, C. L. and Mueller, L. D. 2005. “Late life: A New Frontier for Physiology,” Physiological and Biochemical Zoology 78:869-878.

Rose, M. R., Rauser, C. L. Mueller, L. D. and Benford, G. 2006. “A Revolution for Aging Research,” Biogerontology 7:269-277.

Rosedale, R., Westman, E.C, and Konhilas, J. P. 2009. “Clinical Experience of a Diet Designed to Reduce Aging,” Journal of Applied Research 9:159-65.

Rosenberg, M., Nesbitt, M., Redding, R. W. and Peasnall, B. L. 1998. “Hallan Çemi, Pig Husbandry, and Post-Pleistocene Adaptations Along the Taurus-Zagros Arc (Turkey),” Paléorient 24:2541.

Ruff, C. B. 1999. “Skeletal Structure and Behavioral Patterns of Prehistoric Great Basin Populations.” In Understanding Prehistoric Lifeways in the Great Basin Wetlands: Bioarchaeological Reconstruction and Interpretation, edited by Hemphill, B.E. and Larsen, C.S, 290–320. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.

Ruff, C. B. 2000. Biomechanical Analyses of Archaeological Human Skeletons. In Biological Anthropology of the Human Skeleton,edited by Katzenberg, M.A. and Saunders, S. R, 71–102. New York: Wiley-Liss.

Ruff, C. B., Larsen, C. S., and Hayes, W. C. 1984. “Structural Changes in the Femur with the Transition to Agriculture on the Georgia coast,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 64:125–136.

Ruff, C. B., Trinkaus, E., Walker, A., Larsen, C. S. 1993. “Postcranial Robusticity in Homo. I: Temporal Trends and Mechanical Interpretation,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 91:21–53.
Schmidt, C. W. 2001. “Dental Microwear Evidence for a Dietary Shift Between Two Nonmaize-Reliant Prehistoric Human Populations from Indiana,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 114:139–145.

Schoeninger, M. J. 1995. “Stable Isotope Studies in Human Evolution,” Evolutionary Anthropology 4, 83–98.

Schwartz, J. H, Tattersal, I. 2010. “Fossil Evidence for the Origins of Homo Sapiens,” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 53:94–121.

Scrimshaw, N. S., Taylor, C. E., Gordon, J. E. 1968. Interaction of Nutrition and Infection. World Health Organization Monograph 57.

Sherrat, A. 1997. “Climatic Cycles and Behavioural Revolutions: The Emergence of Modern Humans and the Beginning of Farming,” Antiquity 71:271-87.

Smil, V. 2002. “Eating Meat: Evolution, Patterns, and Consequences,” Population and Development Review 28:599–639.

Smith, B. D. 2001. “Documenting Plant Domestication: The Consilience of Biological and Archaeological Approaches,”Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 98:1324–1326.

Solecki, R. S. 1961. “New Anthropological Discoveries at Shanidar, Northern Iraq,” Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences 23:690-99.

Speth, J. D. 1989. “Early Hominid Hunting and Scavenging: The Role of Meat as an Energy Source,” Journal of Human Evolution18:329–343.

Speth, J. D. 2010. The Paleoanthropology and Archaeology of Big-Game Hunting Protein, Fat, or Politics? New York: Springer.

Speth, J. D. and Spielmann, K. A. 1983. “Energy Source, Protein Metabolism, and Subsistence Strategies,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31:1–31.

Stanford, C and Bunn, H. 2001. Meat Eating and Human Evolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Stanford, C. B. 1999. The Hunting Apes: Meat Eating and the Origins Of Human Behavior. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Steckel, R. H. and Rose, J. C. 2002. The Backbone of History: Long- Term Trends in Health and Nutrition in the Americas. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Steckel, R. H., Rose, J. C., Larsen, C. S. and Walker, P. L. 2002. “Skeletal Health in the Western Hemisphere from 4000 B.C. to the Present,” Evolutionary Anthropology 11:142–155.

Stiner, M., Gopher, A. and Barkai, R. 2009. “Cooperative Hunting and Meat Sharing 400-200 kya at Qesem Cave, Israel,”Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106:13207–13212.

Stiner, M., Gopher, A. and Barkai, R. 2011. “Hearth-Side Socioeconomics, Hunting and Paleoecology During the Late Lower Paleolithic at Qesem Cave, Israel,” Journal of Human Evolution 60:213–233.


Strohle, A. and Hahn, A. 2011. “Diets of Modern Hunter-Gatherers Vary Substantially In Their Carbohydrate Content Depending On Ecoenvironments: Results From An Ethnographic Analysis,” Nutrition Research 31:429-35.

Tayles, N., Domett, K., and Nelsen, K. 2000. “Agriculture and Dental Caries? The Case of Rice in Prehistoric Southeast Asia,”World Archaeology 32:68–83.

Teaford, M. F. 1991. “Dental Microwear: What Can it Tell Us About Diet and Dental Function?” In Advances in Dental Anthropology, edited by Kelley, M.A. and Larsen, C.S., 342–356. New York: Wiley-Liss.


Teaford, M. F., Larsen, C. S., Pastor, R. F., Noble, V. E. 2001. “Pits and Scratches: Microscopic Evidence of Tooth Use and Masticatory Behavior in La Florida.” In Bioarchaeology of Spanish Florida: The Impact of Colonialism, edited by Larsen, C.S., 82–112. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.

Thieme, H. 1997. “Lower Palaeolithic Hunting Spears from Germany,” Nature 385:807–810.

Ungar, P. 1998. “Dental Allometry, Morphology, and Wear as Evidence for Diet in Fossil Primates,” Evolutionary Anthropology6:205–217.

Ungar, P. 2004. “Dental Topography and Diets of Australopithecus Afarensis and Early Homo,” Journal of Human Evolution 4:605–622.

White, M. and Pettitt, P. 2011. “The British Middle Palaeolithic: An Interpretative Synthesis of Neanderthal Occupation at the Northwestern Edge of the Pleistocene World,” Journal of World Prehistory 24:25–97.


White, T. D, Asfaw, B, DeGusta, D., Gilbert, H. and Richards, G. D. 2003. “Pleistocene Homo Sapiens from Middle Awash, Ethiopia,” Nature 423:742–747.


Wood, B. 2010. “Reconstructing Human Evolution: Achievements, Challenges, and Opportunities,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:8902–8909.


Wood, B. and Lonergan, N. 2008. “The Hominin Fossil Record: Taxa, Grades and Clades,” Journal of Anatomy 212:354–376.

Wrangham, R. and Carmody, R. N. 2010. “Human Adaptation to the Control of Fire,” Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News and Reviews 19:187–199.

Wrangham, R. W, Jones, J. H, Laden G, Pilbeam D, and Conklin-Brittain, N. 1999. “The Raw and the Stolen: Cooking and the Ecology of Human Origins,” Current Anthropology 40:567–594.